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Amma dead free#
Beginning with the offer of 20 kg of free rice through the PDS, programmatic welfare by both parties has extended to include provision of free gas stoves, television sets, laptops, mixer-grinders, goats and cows to rural households and upward revision of assistance given through pension schemes for different vulnerable groups. Programmatic politics refers to appeals made on a more universalist plank and involves offer of services or goods to anyone independent of party affiliation or support. While clientelist practices such as distribution of public contracts to those close to party leaders are common, this has been accompanied by an expansion of what Andrew Wyatt, a longtime scholar of Tamil Nadu’s politics, refers to as “programmatic politics”.
While the two parties have implemented several growth measures that are suggestive of neoliberal policy shifts, they have sought to simultaneously expand the social welfare net by competitive welfare politics. Since 2006, both parties have sustained paternal populist appeals. Public sector employment has shrunk and so has the appeal to shoring up of Tamil identity given the rise of a middle class whose interests are no longer confined to the state. In neoliberal India, however, the spaces of assertive populism have shrunk. Though both parties may have adopted the twin strands of populism at different points, the DMK has historically been more associated with assertive populism and AIADMK with paternalist populism.
Paternalist populism sought to cater to segments that tend to be excluded from schemes of assertive populism by providing them with subsidised wage goods, the nutritious noon meal scheme being the most well known. Assertive populism rested on a mobilisation of a range of subaltern groups around a Tamil identity and involved efforts to address questions of social justice through reservations in higher education and public sector employment. Scholars attribute the success of Dravidian politics in the state to appeals based on two strands of populism - assertive and paternalist. WATCH | 5 Lesser Known Facts About Sasikala Natarajan While observers perceive a continuity in women’s support for the AIADMK since MGR, it is important to recognise that this support has been sustained, reworked and probably enlarged through a consolidation of a model of welfare politics that the state has come to be known for. It is this context that makes Jayalalithaa’s popularity even more confounding. Lack of inner party democracy in the AIADMK mirrored the slew of defamation cases against political opponents and the increasing opaqueness in decision-making. Expectations that the huge investments made in private education by rural households will translate into gainful and dignified employment are belied. Work is increasingly becoming casualised and precarious. In a state with the highest share of youth in higher education, unemployment levels, especially among the more educated youth, continues to be high. In June 2015, The Economic Times carried a piece on the flight of firms from the state on account of what entrepreneurs perceived as inordinate delays, and demands for exorbitant “payments”.
Big ticket investments and mega-infrastructure projects, that are seen as synonymous with “development” by the middle class, were hardly visible in her last tenure.
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